There appeared to be some kind of an understanding with Mohan Baidya-led 33 party alliance on roundtable conference. Why did this understanding break down only a day later?
There was always this suspicion among us (the constituents of HLPC) that CPN-Maoist wanted to delay election in the name of roundtable. But CPN-Maoist top leaders then started to indicate that they were ready for November 19 polls if certain conditions were met. We decided that they deserved the benefit of doubt and expressed our openness to roundtable idea. It seemed to be a prestige issue for CPN-Maoist. During negotiations, we were made to believe there would soon be an understanding and CPN-Maoist would enter the electoral process. But then CPN-Maoist leaders started to get coy. When we asked them if they were ready to take part in election if it was delayed for April-May, they gave no clear answer. We then asked them if what they wanted was a fully proportional system, again no clear answer. This was when we felt that CPN-Maoist was not ready for election, both organizationally and psychologically. Our suspicions were further heightened when they brought up the issue of the peace process and threatened to disown post 2006 political agreements. [break]
Photo: Chandra Shekhar Karki
Were these new issues raised the day after the much-hyped agreement on roundtable?
Yes, like I said, they added the issue of peace process at the last moment. They also began raising doubts over the procedures of new CA polls and sought prior agreements on specifics of the constitution. We started to feel that they wanted to give constitutional validity to the roundtable as well as to prolong it indefinitely. But we had little time. There is also the other side to the issue. The (now) five HLPC constituents have different priorities. If the polls were delayed, the Madhesi parties would have wanted to renegotiate the 240 constituencies. Other forces were not ready to accept fully proportional representation in the next CA. For all these reasons, we asked CPN-Maoist and other agitating parties to understand our compulsion. But they were not ready to do so.
Was there the possibility of election being postponed by a few months if CPN-Maoist had expressed its willingness to take part?
We were in a mood to consider the option if CPN-Maoist had come up with clear demands, but since they were unclear on what they wanted, no one was ready to take the risk of delaying election without anything to show for it.
You have been among the strongest advocates of bringing CPN-Maoist on board. Have you given up on them now?
Despite our best efforts, we could get no clear Maoist commitment on election. So far CPN-Maoist has not been able to take me into confidence that they are sincere about election. Despite wanting the best for them and despite repeated rounds of discussions with CPN-Maoist leaders, even I am confused what they really want. But they can always take part in election through alternate routes. For instance they might join an alliance with a party that has already been registered with the Election Commission. The important thing is that they stick to the electoral path. We could have taken a different path to constitution making, but we are too far down the road now. Let us elect the CA for the second and last time and get a constitution. There is no alternative.
It had initially appeared that UCPN (Maoist) was trying to keep out the splinter party from upcoming election. Is that not the case now?
That might be partly true. But right now, it appears CPN-Maoist itself is backtracking from election.
Some believe CPN-Maoist is caught in a bitter intra-party conflict. Others think the party is merely following on the path charted by its recent Central Committee meet in Pokhara.
I believe intra-party differences are product of ideological divides. There are clearly two schools of thoughts within CPN-Maoist. There is still a large section which believes that the revolution is still incomplete and the final push to capture the state should continue. But there is also a silent minority within the party that wants solutions through the electoral route. It has been our effort to boost the voice of this silent minority, but we have been unsuccessful so far.
There are suspicions that the five major forces within HLPC are divided on polls and talks with Baidya are merely a ruse to postpone election.
There might be some differences within us. But let there be no doubt: there is absolutely no difference on the need to hold election on November 19, and no later.
What kind of an election do you foresee in November?
There are a few worrying signs. UCPN (Maoist) has been trying to resurrect the YCL and has come up with a rather absurd proposal on production brigade. They might ultimately say they want a whole army. These are wrong practices. This shows that the Maoists are yet to let go of their violent past and are not committed to democratic ideals. These kinds of activities do not bode well for peaceful election.
But hasn’t CPN-UML been readying its own Youth Force for upcoming election? In fact, there have been widespread criticisms that UML is enlisting ‘dons’ to muscle out other forces during election.
I agree that the ‘don tendency’ has increased a lot within our party. Criminals have been promoted. No one should try to bring undesirable elements into the party. CPN-UML cannot be a refuse for criminals. This is not the place to bring all the worst elements in the society and try to transform them. What good will it do the party to assemble rotten eggs?
But despite your constant criticism of this tendency in the last few years, the practice hasn’t stopped.
Yes, some people in the party seem to be trying to become ‘superdons’ by enlisting certified dons. If these leaders really support the don raj, they should come up with an official policy where they say that enlisting dons is in the best interest of the party. Those against this tendency will come up with their own proposal. Let the party rank and file decide which policy is acceptable to them. But this policy of enlisting dons through backdoor must come to an end.
Aren’t these indications that the upcoming election will be rather violent?
If the election is violent, there will be big a question mark over its legitimacy. The situation has changed from 2008. If the Maoists continue with their intimidation tactics, other parties will not take it lying down. This is the reason the Maoists would do well not to rely on violence. We should all understand that there is not going to be drastic changes in the balance of power in the new Constituent Assembly. No one is going to secure a two-third majority. The new constitution will have to be a document of compromise among political parties coming from vastly different backgrounds. This will not be easy unless we start laying the ground right now.
There have been suggestions that the participation of top leaders should be ensured in the new CA.
That is not a bad idea. We saw during the last CA how the absence of key leaders from the assembly scuttled the constitution making agenda. UML is open to the idea.
Lastly, from which constituency are you planning to contest election?
The party is yet to decide. I will contest either from Kathmandu’s number two constituency or constituency number one or six in Rautahat.
Related story
EC refuses PM’s poll deferral plea
