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State-restructuring drama

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By No Author
In my past and present articles, I have been constantly cautioning readers against the disastrous consequences of ethnic states with ‘agradhikar’ (right to rule) reserved for a few selected minorities out of many. Corresponding to my opinion on the matter, people often ask me why ethno-neutral and broad-based parties such as UCPN (Maoist) and (a section of) CPN-UML opted for such a model in the first place? Don’t they see the dangers as you have pointed out? And why are political parties like Rastriya Jana Morcha and Nepal Majdoor Kisan Party keeping their eyes shut on the matter? Don’t they love the country?



They are not unpatriotic; but the fault lies in their selfish, short-sighted and partisan nature of conducting politics. They can’t see things the way others see them because they put their party’s interests before the interests of the people, their constituencies and before that of the nation. Political benefits matter to them, not political correctness; and they believe that ethno-centric federalism will bring them such benefits. These political parties assumed and assessed that they could checkmate their opponents by playing the ethnic pawn. So, let us examine the successes and failures of their strategies and the validity of their assumptions.



The Maoists held the view that the liberal Khas community, which has always voted along party line and never along ethnic or communal line, would continue to do so no matter how excluded or neglected they feel. Taking Khas vote for granted on the assumption that it was fixed whether in support, neutrality or opposition, they chose to appease minorities eyeing their ‘fluid’ vote.



The strategy could have worked in the days of yore; not anymore. Angered by being deliberately neglected, especially since the last four years, the Khas community – particularly Bahuns and Chhetris – are now seen to have made up their mind to retaliate. Systematic exclusion of their communities in the process of restructuring of the state has propelled the otherwise silent and dormant Khas people to raise their voice and act.



Moreover, even communities after whom states will be delineated are at loggerheads over disputes of their proposed territories and boundaries. Most of the resultant claims and counterclaims of these disputes are based on false interpretations and arbitrary analysis of history. As the arguments are heavily egocentric and emotionally-charged, reconciliation seems most unlikely. Dalits – the most oppressed community – too are disappointed because, like the upper caste Khas, they are also without a state of their own. Considering all these factors, the road ahead for ethnic federalism looks fraught with obstacles.



Angered by being deliberately neglected, especially since the last four years, the Khas community – particularly Bahuns and Chhetris – are now seen to have made up their mind to retaliate.

Creation of ethnic states for a few vocal and powerful minorities out of many, granting them ‘agradhikar’ to rule and have monopolistic rights over natural resources of the area –as advocated by the Maoist-ethno-lingual nexus – will divide up the hitherto one Nepali society into a few ruling class communities on the one hand and the majority of ruled or second-class citizens on the other. The ensuing inter-ethnic tensions and strife will ultimately push the country toward multiple break-ups. The menace will not spare the political parties either – be they for or against it – a point missed by the Maoists.



There is no doubt that initial calculations of the Maoists have proved wrong. Bahuns and Chhetris, during their huge mass rallies held last month in several parts of the country including Pokhara, Kathmandu and Bhairahawa, vowed to tear or burn the forthcoming constitution if it does not abandon the provision of ethnic states or if discrimination against them continues. The symbolic act, when carried out, will be tantamount to declaring the constitution null and void. Moreover, many more communities will follow suit as ethnic federalism will exclude most and accommodate a few.



While ‘liberating’ animals by driving out humans, the ‘liberators’ of George Orwell’s classic political satire Animal Farm promised that everyone in the animaldom would be equal. It was only later that some emerged as more equal in the marvelous work of fantasy. But here in real life, state restructuring is already complete beforehand along with provisions of some ‘more equals’ and many ‘less equals’. The political parties who are either happy or indifferent today at the retribution of some communities are unable to envisage a disastrous outcome tomorrow. For they too won’t be spared just like Snowball – the most trusted comrade and fellow pig of the ‘most equal’ Napoleon – was not spared, let alone ducks and cattle and rabbits.



Ethno-lingual groups that harbor vested interests and a few others dissatisfied with the very unification of the nation by Prithvi Narayan Shah have reasons, some explicit and some hidden, to claim for ethnic states with ‘agradhikar’ and a right to self-determination. Therefore, I won’t blame them. Right or wrong, they are fighting with a mission and a purpose. However, I can only pity the Maoists and a section of the CPN-UML, for it will be they who will meet the fate of Snowball at the hands of Napoleon as the ever demanding ethno-lingual lobby will be more and more assertive in the days to come.



So, I ask: Comrades, do you still want to play the ethnic game of chess or correct the course before it is too late?



jeevan1952@hotmail.com



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