People joined the Maoist “People’s War” for different reasons—some did so to escape their wretchedly impoverished life, others joined to fight oppressive local elites and yet others came in because it offered a lucrative opportunity for extortion and intimidation. And then there is another group of people—both in the hinterlands and in urban areas—who joined the insurgency simply because Baburam Bhattarai had joined and was leading it. For this group and many others who sympathized with the insurgency, the “People’s War” led by one of their “noblest and most intelligent” lads (the “Board First” guy, the person who tops the School Leaving Certificate exam, always holds a special place in Nepali society and psyche) could not have been a false path.
Bhattarai quickly became an icon of the Maoist insurgency for the public if not for party cadres partly because they knew nothing more about the ‘commander-in-chief’ of the “People’s War” than his nom de guerre —Prachanda. If people didn’t know what Prachanda’s real name was until the end of the insurgency they also had no idea if Baburam had a pseudonym. This gave Baburam a monopoly in public recognition as the leader of the “People’s War”.
It was only after the Maoist party came out into open politics following Janaandolan II that Pushpa Kamal Dahal started replacing Bhattarai in public view as the main leader behind the Maoist insurgency. But Dahal quickly wasted his political capital and his credibility continued to slip—thanks to his lack of consistency, excessive manipulation and impulsive decisions and actions. As Dahal’s credibility plummeted, people turned to Bhattarai once again as their last bet and hope. This was amply reflected in various SMS votings and other surveys, however unscientific these were.
How Bhattarai performs as prime minister remains to be seen. Premiership, as challenging as it is, will test Bhattarai’s strengths and weaknesses: Does academic excellence automatically translate into good political, social judgment? Does his moderate credentials in the party also mean he is well-equipped to reach out to political parties on the other side of the spectrum? Will he use his moral strength to stop any friends, family and party cadres profiteering from the state and intimidating and extorting from others? Does he have the imagination, wisdom and courage for progressive, pragmatic initiatives or will he waste his energies in cheap populism? Will he just remain an ideologue or turn himself into a transformative leader?
Unfortunately, one man alone doesn’t change history. And Baburam will be severely constrained in his actions mostly because he lack a grip on the Maoist party and will have to depend on the goodwill of his party chairman, Pushpa Kamal Dahal.
Karl Marx once famously said, “Reason has always existed, but not always in a reasonable form”. Ironically, this is so true about the leftist parties in Nepal, who have over and again found reasons to act irresponsibly.
Whether Dahal wants Bhattarai to succeed or wishes to succeed him sooner rather than later will largely decide the fate of the Bhattarai government. But a rational view is that Dahal himself has a huge stake in Bhattarai’s success, for this is the last chance that the Maoist party has to conclude the peace process.
But one thing is going to change for sure during Bhattarai’s tenure as prime minister: Maoist radicalism and rhetoric will recede, hopefully giving way to reason, not frustration.
Karl Marx once famously said, “Reason has always existed, but not always in a reasonable form”. Ironically, this is so true about the leftist parties in Nepal, who have over and again found reasons to act irresponsibly.
Take for instance the Maoist actions during the past three years: They betrayed Girija Prasad Koirala’s trust and successfully stopped him from becoming Nepal’s first president; they declared the Nepali Congress their enemy number one after the monarchy was gone and concluded that there would be no working relationship of any kind with that party, and on the basis of that they rejected the NC’s demand for the Defense Ministry for joining the government led by Chairman Dahal; they impulsively sacked army chief Rookmangud Katawal just three months before his tenure was to end and despite opposition from major national and international forces; they launched a vitriolic campaign against India and obstructed the operations of some Indian multinational companies in Nepal; and they flirted with the idea of an urban rebellion, only to be thwarted by the citizens of the capital.
Having inflicted enough damage on the party and the country, both Dahal and Bhattarai now concede that they were wrong in pursuing those policies and actions. Since Bhattarai was also at the core of all these bad party decisions, it raises serious questions about his judgment.
The problem with the Nepali left, as with communist parties internationally, is that they conceptually need domestic and foreign enemies to function as a political party defending the interests of the proletariat. Two decades ago the CPN-UML was where the Maoists are today. In 1991, the UML had also declared the NC its principle enemy and its rhetoric against India was no less vitriolic. Radical party that it was, it took the UML almost five years into open politics starting in 1990 to moderate itself into a social democratic party. Nepal’s democratic process has lost many critical years and gone through painful adjustments while trying to accommodate and democratize the left.
The Maoist party is going through the same learning curve and Baburam Bhattarai’s election as prime minister marks a turning point. In its own words, the Maoist party no longer sees other parties, particularly the NC, as its enemies and is willing to work with all the political forces in the larger interest of society.
As for the foreign enemy question, it will be morally difficult for the Maoists, who have come to power with the wholesale support of Madhes-based parties and have received a congratulatory message from Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, the first among foreign heads of government or state to send one, to continue with their anti-India rhetoric. Between Dahal’s election as prime minister three years ago and Bhattarai’s election now, the Maoists have come full circle on India.
As the Maoists grow more mature and reason replaces rhetoric, it will begin to provide a level playing field for all the parties. Only then will the parties begin to debate on the policies and issues that are needed for a progressive transformation of Nepali society. And based on such debate, polices and programs, people will get to choose their leaders and parties. This will mark the beginning of the consolidation of a democratic society.
ameetdhakal@gmail.com
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