As we understand, UNMIN is preparing its report to be presented to the Security Council (SC) in the last week of this month. And if it gets the government’s request “as early as possible” it can include that in its report to the SC. An early decision on the part of the government will also give time to the SC members to think on the request. Since the mandate has already been extended five times and peace process shows no sign of moving toward conclusion, especially regarding addressing the combatants’ issue and writing the constitution, there is a growing frustration among the SC members. That is why some of the members are beginning to ask: Why should they keep on pouring in scarce resources in Nepal while many countries from other parts of the globe are also competing for it?
The government has its own complications. Since the deadline to write the constitution is May 28, giving UNMIN an extension beyond that date could be interpreted by opposition parties as the government’s intention to expand the constitution-writing deadline. Practically, there is no doubt that the constitution cannot be written by May 28, and everyone agrees to this, but no one is willing to concede in public since each wants to blame others for the delay. That’s a cheap game. Even if the parties cannot announce extension of the deadline to write the constitution now, all of them should agree to give UNMIN an extension so that no one can blame the other about their intentions later on.
The government is in another dilemma as well: Should it broaden the mandate of UNMIN or should it further shrink it or leave it as it is? The government is not happy with UNMIN for many things — its monitoring weaknesses, its ‘denial’ to provide the government with authentic number of the PLA combatants currently residing in the cantonments, and the abrasive language that UN Under Secretary General B Lynn Pascoe used to dismiss government’s criticisms against the UN body during his recent visit.
The government wants to see UNMIN’s monitoring role improved, but the latter has always maintained that it is constrained by the mandates provided under Agreement on Monitoring the Management of Arms and Armies (AMMAA). The government should sit down with other parties and UNMIN and work out a mechanism or broaden the mandate if necessary, specifically aimed at strengthening its monitoring role. Doing nothing about the problem so long as you have time and complaining about it once the time has run out is nothing but poor management and incompetence.
Provisions made in the mid-term review won’t solve persisting l...