The outlook is bleak. Premier Jhalanath Khanal is not sure. Top Maoist leaders including Puspa Kamal Dahal Prachada and Baburam Bhattarai are not sure either. Deeply suspicious, the main opposition Nepali Congress fears Maoists are still “hell-bent on revolt”, “totalitarian constitution” and so forth. Less than six weeks before the first anniversary of the First unanimous all-party endorsement of the proposal seeking a one-year extension of CA’s tenure, progress is tardy. Elected once, the 601-member Constituent Assembly looks all set to fail twice, imperiling the legitimacy and validity of the entire process.
That process looks dead, awaiting a fresh leash of life.
So, on the midnight – or this time mid-day – of May 28, last year’s drama will replay again. Before the gaze of inter/national media, the top leaders will, once again, give long rants – trying to evade the historical repeat of the collective Nepali embarrassment – and finally re-extend the CA´s term. But if the parties can somehow get rid of their internal wrangling and differences, including the bitter race for Home Ministry, things can improve. That way the parties can make coming May 28 look less embarrassing.
If the parties think they have made a mistake, if they still think they can really do it, they should start now. Without wasting any minute, any hour, any day, they had better get down to business. Or else the sane Nepali masses may not pardon them – amidst rumors of Middle East-style Olive Revolution.
Focus is needed on two fronts:
Constitution writing
The Maoist and the non-Maoist parties have different views on who should rule Nepal—a popularly elected President or a Prime Minister, or both? Differences also persist on the appointment of Chief Justice, heads of constitutional bodies. Electoral system is another issue. Federalism is another, with names, shape and size of the federal units still being fiercely contested and debated. If not resolved, the differences over federal units and state restructuring, electoral system and a host of other issues can have far-reaching implications on the continuing process.
In the words of Nilambar Acharya, chairman of the Constitutional Committee, one of the CA’s key bodies responsible for constitution-making, “if the parties work really hard, they could possibly ready the integrated draft of the new constitution by May 28.” But with top leaders busy with inaugurations, or public appearances around the country, there are no indications of that happening. Unfortunate as it is, some – including a few Madhesi parties and factional heads of CPN-UML, Nepali Congress – seem mentally prepared for street protests in the run-up to May 28. Oh no!
Acharya told the BBC Nepali Service recently, “It will be futile to expect the parties with absolutely contradictory philosophies to forge consensus on the contentious issues.” Granted that the Maoist and the non-Maoist parties have opposing views on how things should be, but now is the time to brainstorm over and agree on possible solutions.
Democratic culture – if it really exists in Nepal – requires the major players—including Maoists, CPN-UML, Nepali Congress and others—to put their heads together, utilize every single day and prepare, at the very least, the constitution’s first integrated draft. Failing which, they will not have any right to justify the second extension of the CA’s term.
Army Integration
Five years after the historic signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) by the then SPAM, a few things have changed in Nepal—on the paper that is. As a result of the major parties´ repeated failure to agree on the integration and rehabilitation modalities, the 19,000 Maoist ex-combatants remain where they were four years ago: In temporary, makeshift cantonments. The issue of management, integration and rehabilitation of the ex-Maoist combatants is one of the last stumbling blocks of the peace process.
Meantime, a recent Nepal Army (NA) proposal has instilled hopes. The major players including the Maoists have welcomed NA’s proposal to open a new directorate by incorporating men and women from NA, Maoist PLA and the police forces. If allowed to open, that directorate would be pressed into natural disaster rescue, or development operations. Once the ruling CPN-UML-Maoist win the confidence of the Nepali Congress, the hurdle-to-peace stemming from the continued existence of the ex-rebel army, too, could be removed.
In the words of former Nepal Army Chief Rookmangad Katuwal, “The cantoned ex-rebel army men and women are actually imprisoned.” If that is so, they need to be freed sooner. They should be allowed to live the life of their choice, and allowed to embrace the occupation of their choice. However, that will not be enough.
Thereafter, the parties to the CPA must work to ensure lasting peace in the country by a) declaring the whereabouts of hundreds who disappeared during the decade-long conflict; b) compensating all the next kin of the “martyrs” and; c) forming the peace and reconciliation commission. By honoring the past pacts word by word, the parties can possibly contribute to the healing of the wounds of the unfortunate, bloody conflict. That said, the neo-armed groups have not died down.
Tail-tale
As the major parties look out for some kind of face-saving excuse on May 28—and fear the public wrath and anger—a former Pancha is off to Mount Everest. Before leaving for Everest Base Camp, former Foreign Minister Shailendra Kumar Upadhyay, 82, said he wanted to be the oldest human atop Everest. Hats off to his courage and determination! If he succeeds, at least one Nepali politico will kiss the pinnacle of glory this summer.
Writer is a BBC journalist
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