The new Nepal was supposed to be more democratic and of equitable representation for underrepresented groups was to be a priority. There was limited progress made to this goal at the political front – the president and the vice-president are Madhesis, a group that has historically been marginalized. Tharus, Newars, Janjatis and other minority ethnic groups also made notable gains in acquiring political representation. But women – who, as a group, have been more discriminated against in the public sphere that any ethnic minority – continue to remain hugely underrepresented in the sharing of the state’s largesse. Positions of national leadership continue to be out of the reach of women despite them constituting a majority of the population of Nepal.
None of the occupants of the top five national constitutional leadership positions – the president, the vice-president, the prime minister, the speaker, and the chief justice – are women. Furthermore, not a single one of the constitutional bodies, such as the army, the police, the armed police force, the Election Commission, the anti-corruption commission, the civil service, the Supreme Court, or the Public Service Commission, is led by a woman, or even has any women within the top echelons. It is hard to believe that no woman might be qualified to head any of these bodies. The absence of any representatives for more than half the population in the top national leadership means that a great deal of potential talent is being unwisely squandered.
Even more striking, none of the four biggest parties –the Maoists, the Nepali Congress, the Communist Party of Nepal-United Marxist Leninist, and the Madhesi Janadhikar Forum – are led by women or have a woman as the number two or three in their hierarchy. The Maoists come across as especially hypocritical. They loudly and frequently proclaim that they are progressive, inclusive, and promote social justice. So it is shocking that not a single member of their highest decision-making body, the seven-person Politburo, is a woman.
In the outgoing government of Madhav Kumar Nepal, it was impressive that women held the two high-profile portfolios of defense and foreign relations. The defense portfolio was especially noteworthy, given that it was the first time a woman had held it, and that security matters have traditionally been considered a preserve of male leaders. Nevertheless, this was little more than token representation, given that both Bidhya Devi Bhandari and Sujata Koirala are not among the top leaders of their respective parties, and both owed their positions to the legacy of deceased male relatives. In the handful of mid to high level female politicians in Nepal, few of them rose to power on their own accord. They usually have a male legacy to carry on or a male relative playing the role of puppet master.
The marginal involvement of women in political decision making at the highest levels is best demonstrated by coverage in mass media about high-level political parleys. In the pictures and videos accompanying these reports, it is hard not to notice that the people at the decision-making table are almost always all male. Sometimes a token woman representative may sit at the back or side of the room, but it is clear from their placement that they wield little influence.
This strikes me as sad for a country that prides itself on being a “New Nepal” where diversity, inclusion and democracy are supposedly sacrosanct. As a Nepali living abroad and armed with best wishes for the progress of the homeland, it is hard to be optimistic about the future of Nepal when more than half the population has negligible representation in the running of the country.
The fact that over half the population is practically absent in the halls of power suggests that ours is a society righteous on rhetoric but lagging behind in the implementation of commitments. The constant political bickering, inability to make concessions or sharing power in meaningful and productive ways is a direct result of having just men run the show. Having more women, who are traditionally better at forging consensus and making things work, in positions of responsibility and power might go a long way in creating a more stable political environment where power-sharing, dialogue, and cooperation to achieve common goals can occur. This would enable our petty minded leaders to focus on the actual work of governance and writing a constitution rather than being in ceaseless competition to demonstrate alpha male credentials by plotting to bring about the downfall of governments as they get formed.
Here is a toast to Nepal’s future women leaders and their ability to save our country from its incompetent male leaders!
The writer is an employee of the School of Foreign Service, Georgetown University in Washington D.C., U.S.A.
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