Never before had differences among Nepali diaspora come out as distinctly as on November 22nd. On the eve of 100 days of Madhesh movement in Nepal, a section of Nepali diaspora in the US protested in front of the White House against the so-called economic blockade imposed by India; while the Madheshi disapora were seen staging a counter-protest claiming that the blockade on the Nepal-India border was being imposed by their community. Besides, the Madheshi diaspora also demonstrated against human rights violations in the Tarai and their age-old discrimination by the Nepali state.The Press Trust of India (PTI), India's premier news agency, gave priority to this news, which was published in a number of Indian news media. The Nepali media also gave it wide publicity. But there was some difference in its presentation by Indian and Nepali media. The Indian media tried to remain neutral in covering protests of both the sides; whereas most Nepali media outlets presented only the news of demonstration against the economic blockade while it skipped the news of the counter-protest of the Madheshi community.
Unfortunately, there is no civil society organization worth its name in the country that can bridge the growing gap between Kathmandu and Madhesh. Perhaps this is due to the confusion created by the present government which holds only India responsible for economic blockade. It is not yet prepared to accept the bitter truth that the blockade at the border is being staged by no other than Madheshi and Tharu ethnic communities.
The economic blockade will cease to exist once the demand of Madheshis and Tharus for the formation of one or two autonomous states spanning the entire Tarai belt, population-based constituencies and proportionate representation in state machineries is addressed in the new constitution, through necessary amendments. In the past, the state backtracked from its agreement with the Madheshi leaders whereby it had committed to the formation of one undivided autonomous state with the right to self-determination in the Tarai region of Nepal.
But instead of making efforts to address the demands of the agitating Madheshi and Tharu communities, the government has been promoting kneejerk ultra-nationalism in the country with a view to diverting people's attention away from core issues. And in doing so the country has been badly polarized. A thaw has been created in Nepal's traditional relation with India. And the obsolete policy of trade diversification of 1960s is gradually being revived, which aims to encourage trade and economic relations away from India, without taking cost factor into consideration. Goods imported into Nepal from other countries except India will be many times more costly. No serious effort has been made to engage the leaders of the agitating Madheshi and Tharu groups, with the result that the nation is virtually paralyzed and the people in Terai and other parts of the country are badly suffering.
Now the KP Oli government itself is being cornered for its inability to handle the unfolding and deepening crisis. Recent data confirm that the volume of trade between Nepal and India has declined by 35 percent during past three months, even as exports from Nepal to India have remained largely unaffected. This speaks volumes about the alleged economic blockade, which is only partially imposed by the Madheshi and Tharu protesters at the Birgunj-Raxaul border through which 70 percent of the country's trade with India takes place. Since this border point is completely blocked by protestors, no wonder there are acute shortages of daily necessities.
Surprisingly, Nepal has not been able to learn from the failure of its pseudo nationalism as is being practiced since 1960s. Because of this, Madheshi/Tharus living in the Terai belt were uprooted from their land and even made paupers. They were systematically excluded from administrative, legislative and judiciary systems, apart from security agencies and diplomatic services.
The present movement launched by the Madheshi and Tharu ethic communities against the biased constitution also has its roots in the age-old discriminations. Impact of the indefinite strike by agitating groups in the Tarai has pushed the country closer to the category of a failed state, as law and order deteriorates and the economy is on the verge of a meltdown. During the Madhesh movement for the restoration of democratic rights of Madheshi people, the nation has already incurred economic losses worth over US $6 billion as agricultural, industrial and other economic activities in Tarai have come to a halt. The annual economic growth in the country, already low, could fall to 1 or 2 percent. The country's per capita income of US $700 could further decline as the number of those living below the poverty line increases as a result of recent earthquakes and disruptions in supplies.
Though late, there is still time for Nepal to take cognizance of its geo-political reality. In Japan, people have mostly voted for the pro-American Liberal Democratic Party, though the Americans bombarded their country and destroyed it during the Second World War. Even in South Asia, a country as small as Bhutan has greatly benefited from Indian economic assistance which it has utilized for the development of its hydropower. Like Bhutan, Nepal too can greatly benefit from India's fast economic growth. It should not be forgotten that the country on which Nepal is relying so much for help at this moment, as an alternative supplier of essentials, has never come to its support in crucial periods in Nepal's history—be it 1989-90 or 2006 or any other.
Time is running out for peaceful and amicable resolution of the Tarai crisis. Efforts need to be made by all stakeholders to bridge the gap between Kathmandu and Madhesh so that we can have a constitution that adequately addresses the demands of Madheshis and Tharus. Any more delay could be dangerous as it could further radicalize agitating groups and even the Nepali diaspora. Sooner or later Kathmandu has to come to terms with agitating groups. Again, the sooner the crisis is resolved, the better it will be for everyone.
The author is a Kathmandu-based economist
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