JNK ascended the PM’s chair on February 3, 2011. His rule lasted six months and nine days. JNK can cheer up; at least one another had even a shorter tenure. At his first attempt, India’s Atal Behari Vajpayee was PM for only 15 days, May 16-June 1, 1996. Acting as the obedient vassal to the Maoists, JNK had hoped that his masters would allow him some glory. He now has the honourable title of "caretaker." GPK, Pushpa Kamal Dahal, and MKN qualify as the first three Maoist fatalities.
Since the 2006 signing of the 12-point agreement, party greed has guided the UCPN (Maoist). Never mind if the country itself turns into a gigantic casualty as long as Dahal has his way. On being forced to leave, the 240-year-old oppressive monarchy had its revenge; it cursed us with the Maoist monstrosity. What are we to say of the former rebels who haven’t yet shed a tear for the 16,000 that lost their lives in the 10-year war they initiated, who don’t return confiscated property yet continue to grab more, who asked a Chinese "benefactor" for 500 million rupees to buy the PM’s chair, who change their words so often that Author Kanak Mani Dixit calls the habit "triplespeak" (Peace Politics in Nepal), who would rather see their cadres rot in cantonments than integrate them into the country’s security forces, who promotes murder-suspects to ministers, and who will gladly attempt to pardon all their criminals.
JNK should’ve known better. From 2006 till his death, the Maoists used GPK to their benefit. When the octogenarian opposed their dictatorial moves, the Maoists made the country ungovernable. The Nepali Congress came second in the CA election through their own negligence but also because of Maoist conspiracies. Dahal dangled the presidential carrot in front of the aged GPK; and, at the last moment, opted for Ram Raja Singh. Once the Maoists betrayed GPK, the concept of consensus-government died, never to experience resurrection.
As the biggest party, the Maoists began labelling NC and UML as losers, regressive, and enemies.
Surprisingly, the second casualty of Maoists’ cocksure shrewdness became Dahal himself. After the CA election, Dahal graced Baluwatar as the first Republican PM. Hopes that the UCPN (Maoist) would do something positive ran high. Sadly, Dahal couldn’t wait long enough for his People’s Republic. After nine months and his premature attempt to sack the commander-in-chief, Dahal resigned. Dr Baburam Bhattarai of "frog-leaping" budget fame wanted Dahal to go in the hope of immediately succeeding him. Things didn’t turn out Bhattarai’s way.
No sooner did MKN lead a 22-party coalition government than Dahal regretted having quit the PM’s chair. The UCPN (Maoist) started plotting immediately with the discontented UML faction to get MKN out and JNK in. MKN’s government lasted over a year, but the Maoists made it hell for him. They hindered the passing of the budget twice. JNK should have realized that the Maoists could betray him just as easily as they did with GPK and MKN. However, his lust for the PM’s seat proved too strong. JNK’s and the Maoists’ conspiracies forced MKN to resign and "bless" the country with a seven month caretaker PM. Only after JNK finally ascended the hot seat, did he reveal the secret seven-point deal with the Maoists.
With the backing of UCPN (Maoist), JNK should’ve come out in flying colours. He boasted that he would culminate the peace process and bring out the constitution. When that didn’t happen by May 28, he promised a draft constitution by August 31. For that to occur the peace process had to move forward; and the Maoists wouldn’t allow that.
By now, most thinking Nepalis know characteristic Maoist ambitions. (1) The Maoists will forever hold on to its army, along the pattern of communist China, because without that it can’t impose its one-party rule. The Shaktikhor video proves this beyond doubt. If they really wanted peace, the Maoists would’ve integrated its army into the government’s security forces in 2006. Instead, the party has brought in innumerable hurdles like having its own separate military unit, not distancing its cadres from their weapons and wanting them "combat roles", demanding as "golden handshake" one million rupees (an average, lifelong office worker on retirement won’t earn this amount as provident fund—Maoists may have it after a few years of gun-toting), asking rank-parity with the Nepal Army, and keeping Ram Bahadur Thapa as the supreme commander. Rigid Mohan Baidya Kiran still insists on dual security; and his sly-tongued disciple Dev Gurung argues that the "PLA" is already part of the national security force. (2) The Maoists won’t allow a democratic constitution because with that they would lose their desired People’s Republic.
Having tolerated the present parliament for tactical reasons, the Maoists continue to create numerous hurdles in constitution writing by demanding 14 race-based federal states, promising priority rights for some ethnic groups, and denying plurality. (3) The Maoists won’t return property they’ve confiscated because doing so would mean evicting their own voting supporters who presently occupy them. (4) Neither will the Maoists abandon their Robin Hood, wise-guy mentality and resultant actions. Recently, we have seen Surya Nepal Garments close, Tribhuvan and Kathmandu University padlocked. "Do-gooder" Maoist unions have involved themselves in all three.
The attempt to form a consensus government after JNK’s resignation fell flat because other parties have seen through Maoists lies. UML has rightly opposed the Maoists’ suggestion of extending the CA by six months which would have given the "biggest party" half more year of unearned pocket money. During his time, GPK claimed that monarchy caused instability in our country. Now, the Maoists fulfill that role.
Should no democratic constitution come forth even by November 30th, how should our nation move forward? Recently, RPP-N’s chairman Kamal Thapa suggested that we should have a fresh election. Thapa’s goals of bringing in the monarchy and the Hindu state won’t succeed, but such an election can eliminate the Maoists. Nepali voters shouldn’t let the Maoists dupe them again. Should the former rebels not allow an election (which may lose them their "biggest party" status), our country could opt for an anti-Maoist revolution. Such an uprising may finally rid our country of this perverted Midas touch which has plagued us sorely since 1996.
Ncell, MiDas join hands