The economic blockade imposed by the Madhesh Front and Tharuhat Struggle Committee along the crucial Indo-Nepal border points for the last month and a half continues. This has created acute shortage of goods, including petroleum products, in Nepal. But the government is in no mood to address the genuine grievances of the Madheshi community, which is expressed in the lack of seriousness in its talks with the United Democratic Madheshi Front leaders. Relation between Kathmandu and Madhesh has been steadily deteriorating and the situation turned to be worst after Nepal Police forcefully evacuated protesters at Miteri Bridge on Birgunj-Raxaul border on November 2nd.As it is well known, the Madheshi and Tharu agitators were compelled to impose economic blockade at certain custom points along Nepal-India border only when their demands were not addressed in the new constitution. What is wrong with the Madheshi and Tharu people demanding at least 50 percent seats in both the lower and upper houses of the future federal setup when they account for 51 percent of Nepal's population of 28 million? What is wrong with giving those people one or two identity-based states in Tarai covering all 22 districts? What is wrong with their desire to end discrimination in citizenship and to guarantee proportional representation in government's administrative, judiciary, diplomatic, security and other jobs? The constitution could have united the people of Madhesh with the people of the hills by addressing those demands, but it failed to do so.
Until today the government either remained indifferent towards the demands of the agitating Madheshi and Tharu groups or used highhanded measures to deal with them. Hence, during the agitation, dozens of agitators were killed and thousands others were injured. Quite a number of people have been forced to take asylum in India to escape atrocities at home. Excesses done to Madheshi and Tharu agitators is well documented in the US-based Human Rights Watch's recent report "Like We are Not Nepali: Protest and Police Crackdown in the Terai Region of Nepal."
However, Kathmandu does not treat the economic blockade in Tarai as Nepal's internal affair. To the contrary, it projects the blockade as inspired by India. So instead of resuming dialogue with the agitating groups, India is being blamed. But New Delhi maintains that the economic blockade is enforced by the Madheshi/Tharu agitators due to the biasness of the newly promulgated constitution. India has flatly denied any economic blockade, formally or informally.
Recently the spokesperson of India's Ministry of External Affairs clearly stated that only three of the nine custom points allowed for the cross-border transportation of trucks and fuel tankers between Nepal and India are closed. This is solely due to the sit-in programs of the Madheshi and Tharu agitating groups at the "no-man's land". As such, transport trucks and fuel tankers don't have any problem entering Nepal through remaining custom points.
Many of the truck drivers held up on the Indian side of the border fear to enter Nepal on account of the lack of security and deteriorating law and order situation in Nepal. This became clearer still when an Indian youth was shot dead by Nepal Police in Birgunj following the forceful evacuation of protesters at Miteri Bridge on November 2nd.
The Indian establishment is also worried about smuggling of goods, activities related to fake currency, human trafficking and other criminal activities that have intensified during the strike in Tarai, and which pose great threat to economic and security interests of India. In order to control these activities, the government of India had belatedly introduced multi-layered security in Indian side of border with Nepal.
Nepal's Foreign Minister Kamal Thapa visited New Delhi to negotiate with Indian establishment for easing of the supplies of goods and petroleum products, without bothering to first negotiate with the Madheshi and Tharu groups. So he had to return empty-handed because economic blockade is entirely a political issue and an internal affair of Nepal.
Meanwhile, China has offered 1,000 metric tons of oil (equivalent to nearly 40 petroleum tankers) to Nepal through Rasuwagadi-Kyrung road that was closed in the wake of April 25th earthquake. Does this make sense when in normal situation 135 petroleum tankers are imported from India each day to meet petroleum requirements of Nepal? Even now when the Birgunj-Raxaul corridor is closed, each day two to three dozen petroleum tankers keep coming to Nepal from India through other routes.
It is not known how long and to what extent China would support Nepal meet its needs for oil, apart from gas and other commodities that are imported from India. Costs of imports from China and the sustainability of such imports have not been properly analyzed. If the costs of imports from China are higher, it will be exploitative on Nepali people. Prime Minister Marichman Singh Shrestha had in late 1989-90 also tried to import oil from China, but the arrangement had proved unsustainable.
In the present situation, it is the duty of the civil society organizations in Nepal along with the international human rights organizations and other responsible citizens who believe in peace and democracy to exert pressure on government to settle economic blockade at home rather than in New Delhi or Beijing. Since Nepal is heavily dependent on foreign aid, pressure from the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the Asian Development Bank and other bilateral and multilateral donor agencies could be meaningful. Impartial investigation by such international organization as the United Nations Commission on Human Rights (UNCHR) on the excesses and serious crimes committed in course of agitation by both the sides could also help improve things.
If the amendment of the constitution cannot address the genuine grievances of the agitating groups, there should be no hesitation in rewriting the constitution with the participation of Madheshi and Tharu leaders who were excluded in constitution making right from the start. Any further delay on the government's part to resolve the crisis would firmly push Madhesh agitation into the lap of radical groups.
The author is a Kathmandu-based economist
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